How Tanzania’s Dream of Unity Became a Nightmare of Autocracy

For decades, Tanzania stood as a beacon of stability in a region often defined by turmoil. It was the land of Ujamaa (familyhood), the sanctuary for liberation movements, and the home of Julius Nyerere, the “Mwalimu” (Teacher) who prioritized national identity over ethnic division. Yet, by November 2025, that image has shattered.

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The re-election of President Samia Suluhu Hassan with a staggering 97.66% of the vote—amidst an internet blackout, the imprisonment of opposition leaders on treason charges, and reports of hundreds killed in the streets—marks the culmination of a long, systemic erosion of the democratic ideals established at independence.


The Foundation: From Swahili Trade to Colonial Resistance

Tanzania’s history did not begin with the stroke of a European pen. The Swahili Coast was a thriving hub of global commerce for centuries, linking Africa to Arabia, Persia, and China. However, this prosperity invited conquest.

  • Portuguese & Omani Rule: Beginning in 1505, the Portuguese extracted wealth through force. By the late 1600s, the Omanis expelled them, making Zanzibar a central hub for the East African slave trade, a dark period where thousands from the interior were marched to the coast in chains.

  • The Berlin Conference (1884): Without a single African representative present, European powers carved up the continent. Germany took Tanganyika, while Britain controlled Zanzibar.

  • Resistance: The spirit of Tanzanian defiance was best exemplified by the Maji Maji Rebellion (1905–1907). Led by Kinjikitile Ngwale, warriors believed sacred water could turn German bullets into water. They were met with machine guns and a scorched-earth policy that left over 100,000 dead, mostly from starvation.

After World War I, Britain took control of Tanganyika, eventually leading to the rise of a visionary leader: Julius Kambarage Nyerere.


The Nyerere Era: The Architect of a Nation (1961–1985)

Julius Nyerere, the son of a Zanaki chief and the first Tanzanian to study at a British university, returned home to lead the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU). On December 9, 1961, Tanganyika gained independence, later merging with Zanzibar in 1964 to form Tanzania.

The Vision of Ujamaa

In 1967, Nyerere issued the Arusha Declaration, centering the nation on African Socialism.

  • Nationalization: The state took control of banks and major industries.

  • Villagization: Over 10 million people were moved into collective villages to provide better access to schools and clinics.

  • Education: Literacy rates soared from 17% in 1960 to 63% by 1975.

The Continental Liberator

Tanzania became the “Frontline State” against apartheid and colonialism. Nyerere hosted the ANC, Frelimo, and Robert Mugabe’s forces. Nelson Mandela’s first secret military training took place in Tanzania. Without Nyerere’s diplomatic and material support, the liberation of Southern Africa would have looked drastically different.

The Seeds of Decay

Despite his moral integrity—Nyerere lived in a modest house and sent his children to local schools—his policies planted the seeds of future autocracy:

  1. The One-Party State: In 1965, he banned opposition parties, arguing that competition was a “luxury” the nation could not afford.

  2. Economic Collapse: Forced villagization led to a 50% drop in agricultural productivity. Tanzania went from a food exporter to a food importer.

  3. The Cost of War: While Tanzania heroically defeated Ugandan dictator Idi Amin in 1979, the war cost over $500 million, devastating an already fragile economy.

Nyerere voluntarily stepped down in 1985, admitting his economic policies had failed, but the one-party structure he built remained.

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The Successors: Liberalization and the Iron Fist

Ali Hassan Mwinyi (1985–1995): “Mzee Rukhsa”

Mwinyi opened the economy, securing IMF loans and introducing multi-party democracy in 1992. However, his tenure was marred by rampant corruption, with the World Bank estimating losses of up to $140 million in customs revenue in 1993 alone.

Benjamin Mkapa (1995–2005): “Mr. Clean”

Mkapa stabilized the economy, with GDP growth hitting 7.48%. But his legacy was stained by the 2001 Zanzibar Massacre, where security forces killed at least 35 protesters demanding fair elections.

Jakaya Kikwete (2005–2015): The Diplomat

Kikwete oversaw steady growth and health improvements, but political freedoms began to shrink. In 2015, the Zanzibar elections were annulled when the opposition appeared to be winning, a sign of the CCM’s refusal to relinquish power.


The Bulldozer: John Magufuli (2015–2021)

John Magufuli entered office as a populist hero. He fired corrupt officials, cut his own salary, and invested heavily in infrastructure like the Standard Gauge Railway.

However, the “Bulldozer” soon turned its power against the people. He banned pregnant girls from schools, criminalized the questioning of government statistics, and oversaw a 2020 election where the opposition was decimated, winning only 20 seats compared to 75 in 2015. His denial of COVID-19, claiming the virus was defeated by prayer, led to an unknown number of deaths before his own passing in March 2021.


Samia Suluhu Hassan: The Final Blow (2021–2025)

When Samia Suluhu Hassan took office, she promised the “Four Rs”: Reconciliation, Resilience, Reforms, and Rebuilding. She initially ended COVID denial and reached out to the opposition.

The Turning Point: By 2024, the CCM’s internal “Magufuliist” faction pushed back against reforms. Samia pivoted toward total control to ensure her 2025 victory.

The November 2025 Election Crisis

The 2025 election cycle saw a return to the darkest tactics of the past:

    • Arrests: Tundu Lissu, the face of the opposition, was charged with treason for demanding electoral reform.

    • Disqualification: The main opposition party, CHADEMA, was barred from the ballot.

    • The Blackout: Internet and social media were shut down nationwide on election day.

    • The Result: A near-impossible 97.66% victory for Samia.

    • The Human Cost: While the government denies the figures, opposition reports suggest up to 1,000 deaths in post-election violence, with bodies allegedly dumped in secret locations.


Conclusion: Why the Dream Died

Tanzania’s descent into autocracy was not accidental. It was driven by two factors:

  1. CCM Hegemony: After 64 years in power, the ruling party has become indistinguishable from the state. For the CCM, losing an election is not a political defeat; it is an existential threat.

  2. Institutional Weakness: The structures Nyerere built to unify the country—an executive-appointed electoral commission and a suppressed judiciary—were designed for a one-party state. Under leaders less principled than Nyerere, these tools became weapons of oppression.

Tanzania today stands at a crossroads. The unity Nyerere forged through “familyhood” has been replaced by a unity forced through fear. The nation that once sheltered the world’s revolutionaries now sees its own citizens fleeing across borders.

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